http://www.irstudies.ir/ Islamic Revolution Studie en daily 1 Sat, 23 Aug 2025 00:00:00 +0330 Sat, 23 Aug 2025 00:00:00 +0330 http://www.irstudies.ir/article_226751.html AbstractHistorical writings, along their inherent appeal, gain narrative value when grounded in reliable documents. Yet when these writings themselves become documents, their significance doubles. Herein lies the work of document analysis: it reveals the interdependence between documents and events. Esteeming this phenomenon, the present article addresses the question of whether such writings can serve as policy-supporting documents at a higher layer. It examines rare examples from Britain’s foreign policy toward Iran during World War II, positioning them among the most crucial documents underpinning British policy decisions on Iran in the specified period.   http://www.irstudies.ir/article_221019.html AbstractThe twenty-first elections of the National Consultative Assembly (Majles) represent a crucial moment in the parliamentary history of Iran. In contrast to earlier elections, this round was marked by profound transformations. In the aftermath of the suppression of nationalist forces in 1953 and religious movements in 1963, the Shah’s strategy—shaped by the imperatives of U.S.-backed reforms—necessitated the participation of newly emerging, Western-oriented political groups in both the political sphere and the parliament. The interventions that shaped the electoral process, coupled with structural reforms within the legislature following the White Revolution, underscored the regime’s determination to establish a parliament fully aligned with governmental policies.These dynamics became particularly visible during the twenty-first parliamentary elections. Pressures exerted by Western powers on the Shah’s regime, the implementation of land reforms, the White Revolution, the change of government and the appointment of Asadollah Alam, as well as the emergence of new political parties and groups, constituted defining features that distinguished this electoral cycle from previous ones.Drawing on a historical approach and grounded in library sources and archival documents, this study seeks to analyze Iranian society on the eve of the twenty-first parliamentary elections, tracing the conduct of the elections and unpacking the factors that influenced their course. The findings suggest that pervasive state intervention in the elections was primarily aimed at enabling the rise of new political actors and consolidating a parliament entirely synchronized with the government to ensure the realization of the Shah’s reform agenda..   http://www.irstudies.ir/article_221329.html AbstractPrior to Saddam Hussein’s rise to power, Iraq maintained strategic relations with the Soviet Union. However, as these relations gradually deteriorated, Baghdad turned toward France. Following the Islamic Revolution in Iran and Saddam’s ascension to the presidency, he annulled the Algiers Agreement and invaded Iran. The vital question of this study is: What objectives did Iraq pursue in its political and military relations with France during this period?The hypothesis advanced here is that Saddam sought to acquire advanced French military technology and weaponry by cultivating close ties with France. He aimed to address Iraq’s border disputes and military confrontations with Iran through reliance on France’s sophisticated and mass-destructive weapons.The findings indicate that in order to prevent the defeat of its armed forces in the war against Iran, Iraq endeavored to expand its relations with France. In this process, numerous French companies—including Marcel Dassault, Fadler, Naseh, Thomson-CSF, Alcatel, Matra, and Petrobras—played a significant role in equipping the Iraqi army with advanced weapons systems.This article therefore seeks to demonstrate the role of France and these corporations in supplying Iraq with advanced and mass-destructive weaponry and to assess the implications of such military cooperation for the course of the Iran–Iraq War.   http://www.irstudies.ir/article_226753.html AbstractDiplomatics is the science of studying documents, and the study of document elements, including the composition of the text and their formal characteristics, is considered the focal subject of this field. Since the beginning of the diplomatics studies of Iranian document until today, several efforts have been made to methodize the study of document elements, which today are the basis of Iranian diplomatics education, study, and research. Reviewing and comparing the works written in this field, however, shows some differences among them. A deeper look into the nature and causes of the differences reveals a deficiency and lack of effort in providing common specialized literature and ambiguity in the theoretical foundations on the basis of which the elements of Iranian documents are identified and categorized. The consequence of this situation is the failure to create a precise and structured method and standard in the field of Iranian diplomatics studies. The consequence of this situation is the failure to form a structured method in the field of Iranian document studies, which manifests itself in the lack of a comprehensive and precise standard. In view of this issue, the present article, with the aim of providing a standard (or criterion) that, along with maximum absorption of the contents of previous works, provides a sound theoretical basis for defining and classifying the elements of Iranian documents around its axis, has put the design of a standard for text-based documentary elements on its agenda.In this way, the authors focused on gathering and processing the necessary theoretical foundations and concepts, along with a comparative study of previous works. In order to provide a theoretical framework, the concept of "document as text" was pursued within the context of an approach that, in the words of the authors of the article, is called "text-based". From the perspective of this approach, a document is identified as an entity with three dimensions: "content", "context", and "form". The form dimension, which includes the elements of documents, is the main subject of diplomatics studies. Therefore, the work was expanded in the field of processing operational concepts related to the formal dimension of the document, and with the help of the idea that "the way content is transmitted is the product of the decisions of the text producer", the homogeneous elements of documents were defined in four categories: Peykar-Matn (body text, the product of the producer's main content measures), Diwān-Afzūd (chancery additions, the product of the intentions and actions of the ruling authorities and court agents in order to complete the content goals), Zamineh-Ārāyeh (ground/decoration, the product of measures related to creating optimal platforms for implementing content goals), and Pas-Afzūd (post-additions, add-ons after the production and issuance of the document).Along with the development of theoretical foundations, the extraction of document elements from the perspective of previous works was considered. The achievement of the work is the "Schedule of Standard (criteria) for Text-Based Diplomatics Elements, Based on Iranian Court Documents)" in which the elements corresponding to each of the four categories (Peykar-Matn, Diwān-Afzūd, Zamineh-Ārāyeh, and Pas-Afzūd) are organized in a classification table by utilizing the outputs of comparative tables of previous works. "Standard (criteria) for Text-Based Diplomatics Elements", with a conceptual look at the nature of the elements of Iranian documents, has moved beyond assumptions derived from personalized perceptions or criterias based on the nature of European and Western documents, and has provided a comprehensive recognition, classification, and ranking of the elements of Iranian court documents, based on specific conceptual boundaries.     http://www.irstudies.ir/article_226750.html AbstractDrawing on Robert Putnam’s theory of social capital, this article seeks to address the question of how the functions and position of the Lions Club in Iran during the Second Pahlavi era can be explained. While Putnam regards voluntary associations and civic participation as key sources of social capital, the present study argues that such institutions—when situated within broader structures of power and international relations—can also serve as instruments for networking, extending norms of cooperation, and fostering trust across diverse regions of the world, including West Asia.Based on archival documents, press resources, and primary sources, the article contends that in light of the political imperatives of the Cold War—when shaping public opinion and mobilizing socially active groups became central to effective policymaking in a bipolar world—the Lions Club, while maintaining certain traditional functions of classical Freemasonic organizations such as espionage and influence over high-level decision-making, in practice advanced the cultural, social, and political dominance of the Western bloc in Iran. It achieved this through expansive networking, the promotion of cooperative norms, and the cultivation of social trust.Accordingly, the study demonstrates that a deeper understanding of the dynamics of so-called civil institutions in Iran during the Second Pahlavi era requires simultaneous attention to both the international political order of the Cold War and the domestic social and political conditions that shaped their activities.   http://www.irstudies.ir/article_222027.html AbstractThe Khuzestan crisis of 1979 is one of the significant discussions that laid the groundwork for the Iran-Iraq War. The Iraqi government, along with other Arab states, entered this crisis with the backing of the United States, intending to exploit the situation. Their goal in entering the Khuzestan crisis was to disintegrate this oil-rich province and annex it to Iraq. Therefore, in the early days following the victory of the Islamic Revolution, Iraq and its allied states established the “Arab People’s Political Organization” and supported it and its aligned groups. The role of “Sheikh Shubir Khaghani” and his coalition with the Arab separatists is also noteworthy in this crisis. The actions of the Arab People created duality and conflict in Khorramshahr and increased tensions. In such conditions, political delegations were sent by Imam Khomeini and the provisional government to Khorramshahr for negotiations; however, no results were achieved from these talks. The continuation of the crisis led to severe clashes on Wednesday, May 29, 1979, during which the Arab People’s movement was temporarily suppressed. Yet, this was not the end of the story, and following the events of that day, the Arab People made greater efforts to dominate Khuzestan and Khorramshahr, leading many families to migrate from the city. While no one held hope for the end of the crisis, the Arab People’s forces killed the protectors of Khorramshahr’s security, and with the events that followed, everything changed, and the Arab People’s crisis came to an end forever. Sheikh Shubir Khaghani was respectfully exiled to Qom, and the support centers of Iraq for the Arab People in Khuzestan were also shut down. This article, using a descriptive-analytical method and drawing on documents, newspapers, and books, examines the ups and downs of the Khuzestan crisis in 1979, focusing on the role of internal and external factors. The main question is what trajectory the Khuzestan crisis followed from its formation to its conclusion, and what was the role of internal and external factors in it? It seems that the role of external factors, especially the Iraqi government and certain local and regional causes, was influential in the emergence of the Khuzestan crisis.   http://www.irstudies.ir/article_226752.html AbstractFollowing the establishment of the Union of Islamic Student Associations in Europe and the United States–Canada in the mid-1960s, these associations placed the publication of Islam: The School of Struggle on their agenda as a means of disseminating their ideology and objectives. This periodical, which was among the most influential publications of Iranian Islamic student organizations abroad, was initially launched with the purpose of introducing the “true Islam” to Muslim students. Gradually, however, in response to the political developments in Iran during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah, the journal transformed into an instrument of struggle for the Union of Islamic Student Associations, reacting to contemporary political events in Iran. Employing a historical research method based on description and analysis, this article seeks to examine how contemporary political and historical events of Iran were reflected in Islam: The School of Struggle, with particular attention to the thought and ideology of the authors of its articles. The findings indicate that the periodical emphasized the influential role of Islam and the clergy in the success of contemporary Iranian movements and revolutions, while portraying many of Mohammad Reza Shah’s policies and actions as attempts to eliminate Islam from society. Furthermore, the contributors to the journal, alongside their opposition to Mohammad Reza Shah, also paid special attention to the question of Palestine as one of the vital issues of the Islamic world. http://www.irstudies.ir/article_226757.html  AbstractThe Planning Organization played a major role during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah as the main institution for formulating and implementing Iran's economic and social modernization policies. However, many of the goals of these programs, especially in the industrial and social fields, faced challenges in practice due to political, economic, and structural factors. The purpose of this article is to examine the internal and external obstacles to the Planning Organization in achieving the policies and goals of Iran's modernization programs during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah. The question of this article is posed as follows: What obstacles prevented the Planning Organization and technocrats from effectively achieving the goals of the country's modernization during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah? Our hypothesis is that during the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah, the Planning Organization and technocrats were unable to achieve the goals of the country's economic and social modernization due to political interference, weak institutional coordination, lack of financial and infrastructure resources, and cultural and social resistance. The results show that despite having modernization ideas, the planning organization and technocrats during the era of Mohammad Reza Shah faced challenges such as political interference and weak institutional coordination in practice. Also, the lack of financial and infrastructure resources made the implementation of development plans incomplete and unsustainable. Finally, cultural and social resistance to modernization policies caused modernization projects not only to fail, but also to exacerbate social dissatisfaction and crises. This research was conducted using an explanatory-historical method and using historical documentary sources and scientific articles. Our analysis was based on the theoretical concepts of modernization and development  http://www.irstudies.ir/article_226755.html  AbstractThis article, drawing on a structural semiotic approach, examines the evolution of heroic ethics in Iranian cinema between 1956 and 1978. A comparative analysis of five selected films (Lat-e Javanard[1], Ganj-e Qarun, Qeysar, Gavaznha[2], and Safar-e Sang[3]) demonstrates that the pattern of heroism transformed from individual action based on personal honor and deterministic heroism to collective action grounded in participation, structural resistance, and agentic, revolutionary heroism. This transformation represents not merely a shift in character portrayal but reflects objective societal changes and the displacement of dominant and marginal discourses. In this analysis, Lacanian psychoanalytic theory of fantasy, Georg Lukács’s concept of the collective hero, and Jean Duvignaud’s sociology of action are employed to show that pre-revolutionary Iranian cinema, as a reflection and recreation of collective fantasies, played a significant role in shaping the moral and political imagination of its spectators.   http://www.irstudies.ir/article_222257.html AbstractThe Islamic Revolution of 1978 is one of the most important events in contemporary Iranian history that led to extensive political, social, and cultural changes. In the final years of the Pahlavi regime, security and military institutions, including the Imperial Guard, played a key role in suppressing the popular uprising and supporting the government. Accordingly, the present study seeks to analyze the performance of the Imperial Guard using a historical method and using archival documents, memoirs, and interviews, and to examine different angles of this issue using a descriptive-analytical method. This article seeks to answer the question of what role the Imperial Guard, as one of the security pillars of the Pahlavi regime, played in the confrontation with the Islamic Revolution, and what factors led to its collapse and eventual end? The findings of this study show that the Imperial Guard, despite having trained forces and advanced equipment, did not play a leading role in suppressing the protests that led to the Islamic Revolution of 1978. This organization mainly provided intelligence and logistical support to the security forces. In the final days of the revolution, the Guard's performance was mostly a show, and with the Shah's departure from Iran, their morale was weakened to the point where they adopted a neutral stance in the final days of the revolution. After the victory of the revolution, this organization was disbanded, and many of its commanders were tried, executed, or fled the country, and the rest were integrated into the 21st Hamza Division of the army.                                                                                                                     http://www.irstudies.ir/article_227004.html AbstractRevolution is a modern and rare phenomenon that transforms the fundamental structures of society and serves as a turning point in a country’s history. The Islamic Revolution of Iran is one of the most significant political and social events in contemporary Iranian history, shaped by various social and political forces such as clerics, intellectuals, bazaar merchants, workers, students, and other segments of society. Among these, civil society can be regarded as one of the most important and influential actors in this process. This article examines the role of civil society in the formation of the Islamic Revolution and the transition from the Pahlavi regime, addressing the question of how the peaceful struggle strategies of civil society influenced the formation and success of the Islamic Revolution.Using Gene Sharp’s theoretical framework, this study hypothesizes that during the later Pahlavi period, civil society, by facilitating public participation, designing peaceful strategies, organizing civil disobedience, boycotts, and strikes, laid the groundwork for the revolution and the transition from an authoritarian regime. This research employs a historical-analytical method and, drawing on library sources, investigates the relationship between civil society and the occurrence of the Islamic Revolution.The findings indicate that civil society, by adopting purposeful strategies and leveraging the capacities of civic struggle, played a central role in mobilizing the public and organizing protests against the Pahlavi regime. This approach, by reducing the costs of struggle and attracting widespread participation, ultimately led to the transformation of the political system.  http://www.irstudies.ir/article_227003.html  AbstractThe victory of the Islamic Revolution in Iran was the result of various factors that mobilized the populace and guided the social and political actions of different social groups. Among these influential forces were local religious leaders who leveraged their religious and social standing to organize and align local communities with the Revolution. This study focuses on Ayatollah Malek Hosseini, a prominent figure from Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad Province, and examines how he influenced the political and religious orientation of the tribes In this region. The main research question Is how Ayatollah Malek Hosseini’s religious leadership affected the participation of the tribes of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad in the Islamic Revolution. Using historical–social analysis based on oral sources, historical documents, and memoirs of local revolutionaries, the article shows that by virtue of his religious legitimacy, tribal background, and control of traditional power networks, he acted as an intermediary between the revolutionary leadership and local tribes. Through speeches, relationships with revolutionary clerics, and confrontations with the Pahlavi regime’s security forces, he played a central role in raising awareness, mobilizing forces, and defending religious values at the local level. Findings indicate that Malek Hosseini’s religious and political leadership was a key factor linking the tribes of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad with the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. This link persisted after the revolution and played an Important role in consolidating the structure of the Islamic Republic In tribal areas.    http://www.irstudies.ir/article_222081.html The Jewish Agency is one of the most significant Zionist institutions that played a pivotal role since the early 20th century in facilitating Jewish migration to Palestine and strengthening the economic and demographic foundations of Israel. This article examines the role of this organization during the reign of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, a period in which—despite the absence of formal diplomatic relations between Iran and Israel—conditions for the Agency’s activities in Iran were available. By utilizing political, religious, and economic networks within the Iranian Jewish community, the Agency was able to systematically guide the migration of Iranian Jews to the occupied territories. The agency’s actions were not limited to encouraging migration; they included financial preparations, passport issuance, establishing contacts with intermediary governments, and facilitating the transfer of migrant families' assets. The main question of this study is how this international organization was able to orchestrate the migration of Iranian Jews and the transfer of their capital to Israel, and what economic consequences this process had for Iran. This research adopts a historical-analytical method and is based on archival documents and historical sources. The findings reveal that the Agency’s activities, while organizing mass migration of Iranian Jews, led to a significant outflow of human and financial capital from Iran. The reduction of skilled labor, withdrawal of commercial investments, and weakening of urban economic sectors were among the tangible consequences. Conversely, the Agency capitalized on this opportunity to reinforce the economic and industrial foundations of Israel, especially during its formative decades. http://www.irstudies.ir/article_226754.html In many traditional and even modern societies, land ownership has always been one of the most important indicators of wealth, power, and socio-political influence. In Iran, during the Qajar and Pahlavi eras, land ownership played a decisive role in the structure of power and the distribution of resources. During the Qajar era, the concentration of land in the hands of lords and nobles consolidated the foundations of local and governmental power and led to the dependence of the lower classes. But with the rise to power of Reza Shah, the conditions of land ownership changed dramatically. Reza Shah and his close associates, through extensive confiscation of agricultural lands and pastures, concentrated ownership and control of these valuable resources in their own hands. Also, the transfer of a large part of the confiscated lands to the officers and the army corps led to the growth of the army as a new class loyal to his rule, achieving significant political-economic power and influence. Continuing his father's policy, Mohammad Reza Shah gave the military the power to seize and possess lands, so that a significant portion of resources and properties were placed at the disposal of the military forces, and their role in the country's power structure and economy was strengthened. http://www.irstudies.ir/article_226756.html One of the significant and influential social phenomena during the reign of Reza Shah (Pahlavi I) was militarism—a concept that has often been reductively equated with warfare or military strength. In most existing studies, only partial aspects of this phenomenon have been addressed. The present research takes the nature of militarism during the Pahlavi I period as its central question and, by way of hypothesis, conceptualizes it as “militarism as a social phenomenon.” This refers to a set of externally-oriented, process-driven social policies and practices wherein military reforms are employed as instruments for achieving broader social objectives. To substantiate this claim, the study specifically focuses on one aspect of the social deployment of military transformations—namely, the stage of “narrative construction.” To articulate its hypothesis, the research draws on the concept of “preferred threat constructions.” The findings of this qualitative-interpretive study, conducted through the method of historical sociology, demonstrate that the legitimacy generated through narrative constructions—narratives which portrayed the 1921 coup as the beginning of Iran’s modern history, the expulsion of foreign-controlled troops as a symbol of national independence, internal dissidents and tribal groups as embodiments of corruption and social decay, and the army as the engine of development and the agent of crisis resolution—played a fundamental role in enabling the use of military instruments for the realization of social objectives. http://www.irstudies.ir/article_229061.html Despite receiving limited attention in historical literature, military relations between Iran and Italy during the Pahlavi era were marked by significant strategic and multifaceted dimensions. This article, based on unpublished archival documents, explores the evolution of these relations in two main phases. The first phase (1930s–1940s) was characterized by military training cooperation, the dispatch of Iranian naval officers to Italy, and the overhaul of Iranian naval destroyers. In the second phase (1960s–1970s), cooperation expanded considerably to include specialized training, arms contracts, technology transfer, and participation in the establishment of Iran’s military-industrial infrastructure. Employing a descriptive-analytical approach and drawing on Iranian and non-Iranian archival sources and library materials, the article demonstrates that Iran—pursuing a strategy of diversifying its military suppliers—regarded Italy as a non-hostile partner without a colonial legacy. Meanwhile, Italy sought to solidify its foothold in Iran's lucrative arms market. These collaborations were forged within a framework of mutual interests, the anti-communist discourse of the Cold War, and the Shah’s personal commitment to military modernization. Findings suggest that Iran utilized Italy’s industrial and technological capacities to strengthen its armed forces and reduce dependence on major powers, while Italy, recognizing Iran's geostrategic significance, viewed the country as both a vital arms market and a strategic military-industrial partner. Ultimately, this relationship evolved into a model of military diplomacy between a regional power and a mid-ranking European industrial state. http://www.irstudies.ir/article_230712.html In the 2000s, leftist student movements, despite their limited scope, gained a notable presence in Iranian universities and influenced the intellectual and political atmosphere of campuses through gatherings, sit-ins, and an emphasis on Marxist praxis. The central questions of this study are: under what conditions did these movements emerge, what trajectory did their activities follow, and why did they ultimately face stagnation and decline? The findings indicate that factors such as an emphasis on Marxist praxis, tactical alliances with Islamic associations, the growing student population, and the relatively open political climate after the presidential election of 1997 facilitated their rise and influence. Conversely, the widespread arrests of December 2007 and internal schisms led to weakened cohesion and the eventual decline of these movements. Employing a descriptive-analytical method and drawing on library sources, interviews, statements, articles by former leftist activists, and internet searches, this study analyzes publications (such as Khak), organizations (such as the Dab group), key splits (labor-oriented and radical left), as well as their interactions with the Office for Strengthening Unity. http://www.irstudies.ir/article_235345.html The main goal of this article, emphasizing the connection between literature and politics, is to examine the impact of fiction on the Iranian communist movement after the August 11 coup. In the domestic arena, political obstruction; widespread American influence; Land reforms, in the external arena of the radical student movement in the 1960s and in the ideological dimension, Latin American Marxism, which reduced the role of the working class to the level of small guerrilla nuclei, provided the grounds for revising and rejecting the civil methods of struggle of patriarchal parties such as the Tudeh Party and the National Front against the Pahlavi regime. With the splits in the Iranian communist movement, the People's Devotion Guerrillas Organization, which represented part of the movement's activities with an armed approach, began its violent struggle. However, in the ideological dimension, another variable also influenced these armed struggles that has been ignored. This article seeks to answer the question: "How do the themes of fiction affect the spread of guerrillaism and the armed struggles of guerrilla movements, especially the Devotion Guerrillas?" Did the people have an effect against the Pahlavi regime? The present study argues using a descriptive-explanatory and documentary method: "The themes of leftist fiction in the world and Iran, by combining the themes of the three schools of romanticism, critical http://www.irstudies.ir/article_235346.html AbstractThe present study examines the process of holding the National Consultative Assembly elections in the Kermanshah constituency from 1971 to 1978, with regard to political and social factors and their impact on electoral behavior on the eve of the Islamic Revolution. During this period, the Pahlavi regime, by establishing a single-party system and directly intervening in the electoral process, tried to use official institutions, including the National Consultative Assembly, to consolidate its political authority. The present study, using a descriptive-analytical method and based on library studies and citing archival documents, especially documents of the Islamic Revolution and domestic press, seeks to answer the question of how the elections were held in the twenty-third and twenty-fourth terms of the National Consultative Assembly in Kermanshah and what challenges they faced? The findings show that the elections in Kermanshah, like other constituencies in the country, were not held without the intervention of the government, government officials, and tribal and tribal leaders, but rather were held in an atmosphere of order and complete control of the government. These results indicate that the ethno-social context of Kermanshah played an important role in the formation of popular demands, but the authoritarian structure of the Pahlavi regime limited the possibility of this being realized.Keywords: Kermanshah, National Assembly elections, Revolutionary Decade, Political Participation. . http://www.irstudies.ir/article_235349.html This study aims to examine how the components of Iranian national identity are represented in a selection of Persian novels written after the Islamic Revolution. The research population includes five prominent novels of this period: The Island of Bewilderment by Simin Daneshvar, Kelidar by Mahmoud Dowlatabadi, The Dog and the Long Winter by Shahrnush Parsipur, and The Idrisi House and Two Views by Ghazaleh Alizadeh. These works were selected due to their narrative capacity and the prominent presence of in-text identity components. The study employs qualitative content analysis based on the “Document of Iranian National Identity Components” to analyze elements related to Iranian and Islamic cultural identity in these works. Relying on the document of Iranian national identity components and Norman Fairclough’s critical discourse approach, the research focuses on linguistic and semiotic mechanisms to examine how elements such as anti-colonialism, nationalism, defense of the homeland, and unity among subcultures are represented in narrative texts. The evidence extracted from the novels is analyzed across Fairclough’s three levels of discourse analysis—description, interpretation, and explanation—to clarify the ways in which national identity discourses are formed, transmitted, and stabilized within the narrative structures. The findings indicate that each novel, through narrative mechanisms, patterns of characterization, and representation of social actions, demonstrates the role of literature in explaining, shaping, and negotiating diverse identity discourses in contemporary Iran. http://www.irstudies.ir/article_235352.html The case of Khaibar Khan Gudarzian, an Iranian businessman residing in the United States, was founded on unfounded allegations and forged documents; yet, due to Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi’s acute sensitivity regarding the prestige of the royal family, it escalated into a diplomatic crisis between Iran and the United States. Although the U.S. Senate ultimately dismissed the charges, the protracted legal proceedings and Washington’s inability to resolve the issue promptly were perceived by the Shah as a sign of disregard for Iran’s concerns. This perception undermined mutual trust and, within the tense context of the Cold War, encouraged the Shah to diversify Iran’s foreign partnerships and expand economic cooperation with the Soviet Union. An examination of this case demonstrates how an ostensibly marginal affair could become a decisive factor in international relations, alter the balance between Tehran and Washington, and pave the way for enduring shifts in the orientation of Iran’s foreign policy http://www.irstudies.ir/article_235355.html With the implementation of the constitutional order and the elimination of local rulers in the country, the ruling Alam family in Sistan tried maintain some of its influence in the government system by electing its own people from a parliament. Therefore, all matters in Sistan, which due to lack of political awareness and the absence of an intellectual class, did not have a strong claimant in their hands, were monopolized. Thus, most of the representatives of Sistan were elected from among non-natives and close to their thoughts. This research, using a descriptive-analytical method and using archival documents, seeks to answer the question: What role did the Alam emirs play in electing Sistan's representatives to the parliament and what impact did these elections have on the region's conditions? There has been little research on the role of the Alam family in Sistan's elections, so an analysis of this topic, which also addresses issues such as the performance of Sistan's representatives and the people's reaction to these developments, highlights the importance of this topic in contemporary history.The findings of this study show that the Alam emirs had completely used the elections in Sistan to serve their political goals, which led to a lack of political and economic development in the region. Therefore, the continuation of this trend led to the formation of the first social resistances in the contemporary history of Sistan, which attempted to remove the political and social rights of the people from the domination of Alam family. . http://www.irstudies.ir/article_235356.html The uprising of January 19, 1977, occurred in response to Imam Khomeini's decree against the imperialist tyranny. A number of people were martyred. Following that, the epic of the 1940s took shape. Tabriz, Yazd, Jahrom, Tehran, and Ahvaz witnessed bloody demonstrations in honor of the martyrs of Qom, one after another. This marked the beginning of the first stage of the Islamic Revolution and the emergence of its signs.The important and influential role of the epic of the 1940s led to the emergence of signs of revolution in various regions, including Bushehr province. The present article, by delving into documents and narrations, studies and examines the signs, focusing on the "Bloody Uprising of January 19, Qom" of this stage of the developments of the Islamic Revolution in the province.Therefore, the question of "How did the signs of the Islamic Revolution centered on the "bloody uprising of January 19, 1977 in Qom" crystallize in Bushehr province during the period (January 1977 to August 1978)?" is the main issue of the research.The research is qualitative and is conducted in a "descriptive-analytical" manner. Also, information is collected based on documentary sources - SAVAK documents and oral interviews, and through content analysis and comparative methods.The findings also show the underlying signs of change in dimensions such as the activation of popular unity nuclei, the rapid growth of anti-tyrant participation, the role played by women, and the readiness of the people of Bushehr province to engage in armed resistance to the regime. http://www.irstudies.ir/article_243362.html The present study was written with the aim of examining the attitudes and understanding of Pahlavi government officials towards the developments leading to the Islamic Revolution.In this article, the method of content analysis has been used to systematically extract patterns in oral history data. In this method, there are different bases for categorizing themes, and the findings have been categorized based on a network of themes, namely basic, organizing, and comprehensive themes.The data extracted from the interviews of Pahlavi government officials have been categorized into four comprehensive themes that reflect the pattern that governs their interviews, and show that there was a wrong analysis of the revolutionary developments in the minds of the officials and that they did not realize the transition of society from their comfortable government until the last days. After leaving the country, they did not show a correct understanding of the developments and were watching for the collapse of the Islamic Republic system in the short term, although they themselves were disappointed with the return of the monarchy to Iran.A correct and accurate understanding of political and social developments is the most important pillar for good governance for officials. In the absence of such understanding, the government will not be able to properly understand its problems and formulate policies to solve them, and as a result, the government will lag behind the developments in society